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1、CARE WORK IN CHINA:WHO DOES CARE WORK,WHAT IS ITS ECONOMIC VALUE AND HOW HAS IT BEEN AFFECTED BY COVID-19?OCTOBER 2023Published byUN Women China2-8-2 Tayuan Diplomatic Office Building,14 Liangmahe Nanlu,Chaoyang District,Beijing 100600,P.R.ChinaT:+86 10 8532 5925F:+86 10 8532 5195Email:unwomen.china

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10、TRAL).The parties shall be bound by any arbitration award rendered as a result of such arbitration as the final adjudication of such a dispute.All queries on rights and licensing should be addressed to the ILO Publishing Unit(Rights and Licensing),1211 Geneva 22,Switzerland,or by email to rightsilo.

11、org.ISBN:9789220394953(print)9789220394960(web PDF)Also available in Chinese:9789220394977(print);9789220394984(web PDF)The designations employed in ILO and UN Women publications,which are in conformity with United Nations practice,and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression

12、 of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the ILO and UN Women concerning the legal status of any country,area or territory or of its authorities,or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers.The responsibility for opinions expressed in signed articles,studies and other contributions rests solely

13、with their authors,and publication does not constitute an endorsement by the ILO and UN Women of the opinions expressed in them.Reference to names of firms and commercial products and processes does not imply their endorsement by the ILO and UN Women,and any failure to mention a particular firm,comm

14、ercial product or process is not a sign of disapproval.Information on ILO publications and digital products can be found at:www.ilo.org/publns.Printed in Beijing,ChinaCare work in China:Who does care work,what is its economic value and how has it been affected by Covid-19?vPREFACEAs the backbone of

15、the economy and society,care work is essential.Yet,it often goes unrecognized.Worldwide,the bulk of unpaid care work is bore by women and girls:women perform 76.2 per cent of total hours of unpaid care work,3.2 times as much as men.In China,women spend around 2.5 times as much time as men on unpaid

16、care work.The heavy and unequal responsibility of care work falling to women and girls is one of the main causes of gender gaps in the economy,and then in all aspects of the so-ciety.Paid care work,as another important carrier of care work,on the other hand,is usually undervalued.For example,paid ca

17、re work performed by domestic workersis largely informal and lacks legal protection,which affects the wellbeing of domestic workers as well as the provision of affordable and high-quality domestic service.Emergencies like the COVID-19 pandemic could exac-erbate the existing inequalities.A number of

18、factors added to womens unpaid care work,including school shutdowns and heightened care needs of elderly and sick people.As women take on greater care demands at home,their jobs are also disproportionately affect-ed by cuts and lay-offs.Such impacts risk rolling back the already fragile gains made i

19、n female labor force participation.Domestic workers were also affected severely.Nearly three-quarters of domestic workers around the world more than 55 million people were at significant risk of losing their jobs and income due to lockdown and lack of effective social security coverage,according to

20、ILO estimates.Those in China were no exception,with the strict COVID restrictions that were in place.Along with the three-child policy,there could be a growing demand for caring the elderly and children,putting greater pressure on the entire care system.Equality between men and women is enshrined in

21、 the Chinas Constitution.The current Chinese Womens Development Program(2021-2030)calls for men and women to share housework,and jointly assume responsibility for elderly care and the upbringing and education of children.The National Human Rights Action Plan(2021-2025)also clearly states the goals o

22、f“Relieving womens childcare burden,developing an inclusive childcare service system,and reducing the familys burden of childbearing,parenting,and education.”Under this context,in line with the 2021-2025 United Nations Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework for China,UN Women and ILO worked t

23、ogether to produce Care Work in China:Who does care work,what is its economic value and how has it been affected by Covid-19?to better understand care work and the economy of care in China,where policy recommendations are put forward to strengthen the societal reorganization of care to help shape a

24、more equal and inclusive society.The report is an important contribution to UN Womens work to transform the care economy by pushing for women to be recognized and paid for their work and to the ILOs Decent Work Country Programme that promotes redistribu-tion of unpaid care work between women and men

25、 and equal opportunity and treatment for workers with family responsibilities.It is intended to inform the organizations deliberations on the priority theme,providing a useful resource for all stakeholders.To achieve the future we want,we must reinforce the accountability of the State and other stak

26、eholders to address the care issue,and explore new avenues to recognize,reduce and redistribute the care work.Smriti Aryal Chang Hee Lee Country Representative Director UN Women in China ILO Country Office for China and Mongolia Preface vAcknowledgements 1Summary 21.Introduction 42.Approaches to res

27、earch on the care economy:A review of the literature 62.1 Unpaid care work,its distribution and changes over time 82.2 Methods for estimating the value of unpaid care work 102.3 Measuring the value of unpaid care work 112.4 The impact of Covid-19 on unpaid care work 132.5 International and Chinese p

28、olicies and practices on care work 133.RESEARCH methods and introduction to the data 153.1 Research methods 153.2 Introduction to the data used in this report 164.RESEARCH findings and analysis 184.1 The current situation and changes in the gender allocation of unpaid care work in China 184.2 The va

29、lue of unpaid care work 254.3 The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on domestic service enterprises and workers 335.CONCLUSIONS and policy recommendations 415.1 Conclusions of the research 415.2 Policy recommendations 43Appendix 48References 50CONTENTSCare work in China:Who does care work,what is its

30、economic value and how has it been affected by Covid-19?1Initiated by UN Women China and ILO China and Mongolia,this report is the result of strong collabora-tive efforts and the support of many institutions and individuals.The report was prepared by Xiangquan Zeng,Haina Lu,Zhixia Shan,Duwen Xiong,X

31、inyue Wang,and Jianjun Zhu.Data analysis was prepared by Dr.Hua Liu.The report was coordinated by Ms.Jialei Lin,Ms.Jinyi Wang(UN Women China),and Ms.Qun Huang(ILO China and Mongolia),who also provided suggestions and guidance on the topic.We would like to express our gratitude for the National Burea

32、u of Statistics-Renmin University of Chinas Research Data Center for providing the micro-survey data on Time Use in China.The conclusions in the report represent the views of the authors,and do not imply any responsibility on the part of the NBS-RUC Research Data Center or the National Bureau of Sta

33、tistics.ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSThe report benefited from the Project Study on the Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on Employment Market(72073138)of the National Natural Science Foundation of China.We wish to thank Auntie is Here(Aiyi Laile),Good Luck Mothers(Haoyun Mama)and ZhongPinMingHao who facilitated t

34、he interviews with domestic workers,and Inc.for sharing the access to the big data on blue-collar recruitment.We are grateful for all those individuals who made this report possible:Shuai Chu,Rui Wang,and Xiaolin Wei,who provided feedback on the report at regular academic meetings held by Professor

35、Xiangquan Zeng.We would also like to acknowledge the valu-able comments of Ms.Soledad Salvador(UN Women Uruguay)and Ms.Ginette Azcona(UN Women Headquarters),as well as the contributions and sup-port of Dr.Sarah Cook who has provided substantive inputs to the content of the paper as well as review-in

36、g,editing and finalizing it for publication.2Care work is of growing importance to Chinas eco-nomic and social development.From the demand side,demographic change,prolonged life expec-tancy and population aging,together with policy adjustments such as the relaxation of the“one-child policy”,create a

37、n increased need for care provision and services.In terms of supply,Chinese households have become smaller,and the dependency ratio has risen(that is the share of working-age population has declined),resulting in reduced capacity of families to provide care for their members.At the same time,the eme

38、rging paid care sector remains fragile.This mismatch between demand for and supply of care services is reflected in the heavy burden of unpaid care work undertaken within the household work which is largely undertaken by women.The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the close connection be-tween paid

39、and unpaid care work and its impact on womens employment.To contribute to our understanding of the“care economy”in China,this paper presents a detailed analysis and discussion of the current status and re-cent changes in the gender allocation of unpaid care work in China,and estimates of the value o

40、f unpaid care work and its contribution to Chinas economy.To assess the impact of COVID-19 on the care sector,we then focus on the domestic service sector that is,the provision of paid care work.Such paid care work reflects the degree of marketization of unpaid care work and can thus help in underst

41、anding the impact of the pandemic on the care sector.This report uses data from Chinas National Bureau of Statistics(NBS)2008 and 2018 Time Use Surveys to examine the changes that have taken place in the gender distribution of unpaid care work since the 2008 financial crisis.We find,in keeping with

42、stud-ies from around the world,that womens unpaid care work hours and their total working hours are substan-tially higher than those of men.In 2018,unpaid care work time of both women and men was higher than in 2008,with the increase being reflected mainly in SUMMARYchild-care,child instruction,and

43、care for adult family members.Gender gaps in unpaid care work increased in most categories of work and were consistent across different population characteristics for example by urban and rural residence,by education,marital sta-tus,age and personal income.The study then estimates the value of unpai

44、d care work in Chinas economy and the share of womens contribution to this value.Using a range of methods and sources of wage data,our estimates suggest that the value of unpaid care work in 2018 was equivalent to no less than 25%of GDP,with the range of esti-mates lying between 22.6%and 32.1%,resul

45、ts which are consistent with most studies from around the world.Of this,womens contribution to unpaid care work is particularly significant,being around twice that of men.The report goes on to examine how the COVID-19 pan-demic has affected the care sector,by examining the impact on paid care provis

46、ion in the domestic service industry.Using big data from a leading recruitment agency,combined with interview and questionnaire data,the study finds that in the early stage of the COVID-19 pandemic,both supply and demand for care work declined.The domestic service enterprises and workers were heavil

47、y impacted,reflecting weak-nesses both in the industry and in the labor conditions of paid care workers.Based on the analysis and conclusions,we present a series of policy recommendations aimed at strength-ening Chinas care economy,meeting the growing demand for care labor while reducing the burden

48、of unpaid care work on women.These goals are essen-tial because without improvements in the supply of adequate and affordable quality care services,other government objectives such as increasing population growth,the achievement of gender equality and pro-motion of“common prosperity”cannot be met.Ke

49、y recommendations include:Care work in China:Who does care work,what is its economic value and how has it been affected by Covid-19?3 Fully recognize the value of unpaid care work by incorporating it in the preparation of“house-hold satellite accounts”;1 Introduce and effectively implement policies

50、to support the development of quality care services;Extend legal and social protections to paid domestic service workers,and strengthen the organization and professionalization of the domestic service sector,including through improved training for the management and provision of services;Ensure all

51、enterprises take on their full re-sponsibilities as employers,implementing the states policies to promote gender equality and introducing family-friendly measures in the workplace;1 Satellite accounts are a subsidiary accounting system that ex-tends the core framework of the System of National Accou

52、nts(SNA)to account for sectors that are not measured within the production frontier of national accounts.A household satellite account(HHSA)expands the boundary of produc-tion scope to include all household non-market production,adjusting for relevant transactions or exchange.Household satellite acc

53、ounts can provide detailed data on various household production activities and are an important tool for accounting and analysis of unpaid care work(Liu,2012;Lu,2013).Foster a social environment that alleviates the double burden women face in their paid and unpaid work and reduces gender segregation

54、 in the labor market for paid care services.Together these recommendations should contribute to promoting the sustainable and healthy develop-ment of Chinas care economy.Key words:care economy;unpaid care work;gender;COVID-19;Time Use Survey;big data4Care work is clearly of growing importance to Chi

55、nas economy.The provision of care,and more specifi-cally the burden to households and families of unpaid care work,has become a prominent societal and policy issue in China in recent years.From the de-mand side,demographic change,including prolonged life expectancy and population aging,together with

56、 family planning policy adjustments2,have increased the demand for care workers.The share of elderly in Chinas population is rapidly increasing.In 2015,the population aged 60 and above was about 220 million;this age group is expected to exceed 300 million by 2025 and climb to a peak of about 482 mil

57、lion people by 2053(Zhai et al.,2017).To address this population imbalance,China further relaxed its family planning policies in 2022 to allow all couples to have up to three children.The need to care for the elderly and children creates a rising demand for both paid and unpaid care services,putting

58、 pressure on the entire care system.On the supply side,Chinese households have be-come smaller and,with the reduction in the share of working-age population,their care capacity is declining.According to the“Seventh National Census Communiqu”released by the National Bureau of Statistics in 2021,avera

59、ge household size in China in 2020 was 2.62 persons,0.48 persons less than the av-erage of 3.10 persons in 2015.In addition,the supply of public services is inadequate and market-based care service provision is not standardized,creating huge challenges both for the quantity and quality of care work.

60、This mismatch between demand and supply is reflected especially in the heavy burden of unpaid care within the household a burden which falls pre-dominantly on women(Xiao and Jian,2020).Care work can be divided into paid and unpaid ac-tivities.In practice,most people undertaking either unpaid or paid

61、 care work are women,while such work is undervalued and often not even recognized as work.Recognizing and valuing unpaid care work and improving the working conditions of care workers would thus be conducive to improving the situation of care workers,particularly women who have generally assumed gre

62、ater unpaid care responsibilities within the family.Better conditions and remuneration may in turn enhance the quality of care given,and thus better meet the needs of those requiring care.An increase in the supply of affordable high-quality paid care work should reduce the burden on unpaid caregiver

63、s,giving individuals with care burdens more time and energy to seek their own career or personal development.However,an increase in the cost of care would reduce access to quality services for those with limited incomes if left to the market to provide,hence the need for governments to consider this

64、 as a policy issue.Furthermore,the gender division of care work is an important indicator of gender equality:since care-givers are mostly women,recognizing and rewarding care work is thus a key element in the promotion of gender equality.China has a strong cultural tradition of defined gen-der roles

65、 summed up by the phrase“Nan zhu wai,nv zhu nei”(“men go out to work while women look after the house”).Recent economic development has challenged this division of labor,while the Chinese government has also advocated for equality between men and women.The current Chinese Womens Development Program(

66、2021-2030)4 and the National Human Rights Action Plan(2021-2025)5 both call for the reduction of care burden that falls on women.1INTRODUCTION2 Chinas one-child policy which had been in place since September 1982 was abandoned in 2016 with the introduc-tion of a universal two-child policy.In 2021 th

67、e policy was changed to allow all couples to have up to 3 children.See http:/ See https:/ From the website of the Central Government of the Peoples Republic of China http:/ From the website of the Central Government of the Peoples Republic of China http:/ work in China:Who does care work,what is its

68、 economic value and how has it been affected by Covid-19?5This background suggests why it is important to study and better understand care work and the economy of care in China.Unpaid care work and paid care work are to some extent substitutes for each other.However,unpaid care work is not included

69、in the System of National Accounts(NSA),the main economic accounting system for measuring contribu-tions to GDP.Recognizing and valuing unpaid care work would better account for progress in both social welfare and economic development.The study of unpaid care work would also make explicit the dual p

70、ressures women,especially married women,face in balancing work and family life,and help to better as-sess womens contributions to the family,society and the economy.At the societal level,understanding the value of unpaid care work and the price women pay for it would help to create an environment in

71、 which men and women share family responsibilities,lead-ing to a more equitable division of labour.In order to contribute to our understanding of the care economy in China,this report explores the fol-lowing questions:What is the current situation of unpaid care work in China?What is the gender allo

72、ca-tion of unpaid care working hours?What is the value of this unpaid care work to the economy?And how has Covid-19 impacted paid care work,that is,the domestic service industry and domestic workers?We use Chinas Time Use Survey data to examine what changes have taken place in the gender distributio

73、n of unpaid care work since the 2008 financial crisis.We estimate the economic value created by unpaid care work,and the share of womens contribution to this value.We also consider how the COVID-19 pandemic,which has had a major impact on all industries and sectors,has focused particular attention o

74、n the close connection between paid and unpaid care work and its impact on female employment.The domestic ser-vice sector that is the provision of paid care work is an important indicator of the marketization of unpaid care work and may reveal what is happening to the care sector as a whole.We there

75、fore explore the im-pact of COVID-19 on both enterprises and workers in the domestic service industry.The paper is organized as follows.The next section reviews literature on the care economy,globally and in China,and lays out various approaches to its analy-sis and measurement.Based on this literat

76、ure review,Section 3 introduces the research methods and data.Time Use Surveys undertaken by Chinas National Bureau of Statistics(NBS)in 2008(CTUS2008)and 2018(CTUS2018)are used to examine the current gender allocation of unpaid care work and its changes over time,and to estimate the value of unpaid

77、 care work in China.Section 4 presents the results of the analysis and estimations,before turning to the im-pact of the COVID-19 pandemic in Section 5.Here we use big data from the recruitment platform Inc.,together with in-depth interviews and a ques-tionnaire survey,to assess the impact of COVID-1

78、9 on the supply of paid care work,that is on domestic service enterprises and workers.The report concludes with a series of recommendations for scholars,ad-vocates and policymakers on the need for further research on care work,how to raise awareness of the importance of care,and what measures the go

79、vern-ment and other social actors can take to promote the development of the care economy as an important contributor to economic and social development and population well-being.6Care economics or the study of the“care economy”involves the use of the tools of economics to analyze the production,con

80、sumption and distribution of care services by and across households,markets and governments,as well as examining the distribution of care services and their optimal allocation to meet the needs of society(Liu et al.,2019).Recognition of the importance of unpaid care work to the economy is not new:in

81、 1995,for example,Becker was cited as arguing that“It is time to recognize housework as part of the goods and services in a nations GDP.The long hours spent at housework suggest that production in the home is a sizable percentage of the total output of all nations”6.As feminist and other scholars fr

82、om a range of disciplines have shown,the care economy makes a fundamental contribution to the economy and society,particularly in the nurturing and reproduction of current and future generations.However,as a critical pillar of the economy,it has not received sufficient attention in mainstream econom

83、ic research a discipline that has traditionally focused on the male experience.A growing body of empirical research in the fields of labor economics,womens and gender economics and other fields of feminist enquiry has started to explore questions around the economy of care.Such work across many coun

84、tries has shown that fam-ily members engaged in unpaid care work generally have a lower employment rate and,if they are em-ployed,receive a lower wage income:that is,they suffer from a“family care penalty”(Folbre and Song,2020:7;Azcona et al.,2020).Women engaged in market-based paid care work(and mo

85、st of the prac-titioners are indeed women),have significantly lower incomes than women engaged in other jobs:thus,they experience a“paid care penalty”(Folbre and Song,2020:7).Other scholars have focused on issues such as the“pricing mechanism”for care work,“cost control”,“quality supervision”and“lab

86、or supply”of paid care work or workers in contexts of industrial-ization and marketization(Himmelweit,2005;Budig and Misra,2010;Mason and Kuhlthau,1989;Daly and Lewis,2000;Folbre and Nelson,2000;De Klaver et al.,2013).Himmelweit(2005)assesses the market for care services and its failures,showing why

87、 govern-ment intervention is required:given inequalities in both the need for care and resources to pay for its provision,and the nature of“care”as a product that is dependent on labour time,market incentives to in-crease productivity and reduce costs(through lower wages)may result in poorer care.Co

88、nversely,increas-ing wages will increase the cost of care to families,in turn preventing many unpaid carers from entering the labour market.Thus Himmelweit concludes,the market alone will worsen existing inequalities and is likely to undermine standards of care and working conditions of care workers

89、.2APPROACHES TO RESEARCH ON THE CARE ECONOMY:A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE6 See https:/ work in China:Who does care work,what is its economic value and how has it been affected by Covid-19?7Given the scarcity of care resources,the profession-alization of care activities,and the commoditization of care

90、services in many countries,economists have thus started to pay attention to policy questions,including whether and how the state should play a role in the provision of care services(Liu et al.,2019).Some governments have come to realize that the care economy is an important component of and contribu

91、-tor to economic development and growth,and have introduced various policies to support the develop-ment of the care economy with the goal of reducing the burden on women,and alleviating or reducing both the“unpaid care”and the“paid care”penalties.Policy objectives include recognizing the value of u

92、npaid care work,reducing its burden,and promot-ing its redistribution between men and women,and between the family,state and society(Elson,2017).In addition,the importance of providing reasonable and decent rewards to paid care workers,and of ensuring their rights and opportunities for voice and col

93、lective bargaining,have also been recognized(Addati et al.,2018).Research on the care economy and unpaid care work in China can be divided into two main categories.The first category focuses on introducing research from other countries:this includes work on the develop-ment of the economics of care(

94、Liu et al.,2019),the importance of care work to the economy(Shen,2014;Folbre and Song,2020),and methods of estimating the value of unpaid care work(Liu,2012).The second category focuses on empirical analysis of care provi-sion in the Chinese context,and more specifically on gender differences in the

95、 allocation of unpaid labor(Dong and An,2015;He et al.,2018);on estimating the value of unpaid care work(Dong and An,2015),and on the distribution of care work between the state,en-terprises and households(Cook and Dong,2011;Dong and An,2015;Tong,2017).Studies in this category also examine the impac

96、t of changes in the distribution of care work on the allocation of male and female labor time(Connelly et al.,2018),and the impact of social-ized care provision on unpaid care work(Ji,2020)and on unpaid care for the elderly(Yu and Jin,2018).Overall,existing research on China shows that unpaid care w

97、ork makes an important contribution to the Chinese economy,and that unpaid and paid care work are substitutes.However,while care work is increas-ingly recognized as a key part of the economy,there is a lack of research and empirical analysis on the topic,in part due to data limitations,but also due

98、to the lack of scholarly concern with the issue in Chinese academic circles.Since 2020,the prevention and con-trol measures related to the COVID-19 pandemic have further highlighted the importance of the issue of care within China and globally.The pandemic has had a huge impact on both households an

99、d the domestic service sector which serves to replace unpaid carers in the households.The result has been a significant increase in unpaid housework globally,with statistics showing the increase in unpaid housework among women has been significantly higher than for men.Given this context,this paper

100、presents a detailed analysis and discussion of the current status and changes in the gender allocation of unpaid care work in China,estimates the value of unpaid care work,and assesses the impact of COVID-19 on paid care work,that is,on the domestic service industry and domestic workers.In the remai

101、nder of this section,we review the Chinese and international literature that informed our approach and analysis of these issues.8According to UN Women,unpaid care work refers to all unpaid services provided by individuals within a household or community for the benefit of its members,including care

102、of persons and domestic work.Common examples include cooking,cleaning,collecting water and fuel,and looking after children,older persons,and persons with illness or disabilities.Voluntary community work that supports personal or household care,such as community kitchens or childcare,are also forms o

103、f unpaid care work.It ex-cludes productive activities falling under“own-use production of goods”(such as the manufacturing of goods for own use)and“for profit”employment(such as contributing family work,working in a family busi-ness without receipt of a wage or salary)(Addati et al.,2018).In the stu

104、dy of unpaid care work,cross-country data are often incompatible due to different standards for measuring unpaid care work,but in general the gen-der distribution of unpaid care work within countries is clear.Globally,studies have demonstrated that women take on more unpaid care work than men.Charme

105、s(2019)uses data from 75 countries7 and found that,on average,womens unpaid care work is 3.2 times that of men,with womens average daily un-paid care work amounting to 272 minutes compared with 84 minutes for men.Miranda(2011)used data from 26 members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and

106、 Development(OECD)and 3 devel-oping countries and found that,on average,women spend 2 hours and 20 minutes more than men in unpaid care work each day.The gender distribution of unpaid care work further differs between countries,between regions within a country,by socio-economic status of households,

107、age of family members includ-ing children,and among different components of unpaid care work.8According to the results presented by Charmes(2019),in emerging economies 80%of providers of unpaid care work are women,who provide on average 276 minutes per day compared with 68 minutes per day for men.Th

108、is figure is on average 65.5%in developed countries(with women working 260 minutes per day compared to 137 for men).In the United States and Canada,however,this figure is approximately 86%(263 minutes for women and 168 for men)(Charmes,2019).Within almost all countries,women in rural areas undertake

109、 more unpaid care work than women in urban areas.Few studies have examined gender differences among the various components of unpaid care work.Looking at trends over time,Gimenez-Nadal and Sevilla(2012)used data from seven industrialized countries including Australia,Canada,Finland,and France,and fo

110、und that from 1975 to 2005,although women took on more unpaid care work over this pe-riod,men also gradually increased their unpaid care work(housework and childcare),which ranged from 8 to 15 hours per week in 1975,increasing to 11 to 17 hours per week in 2005.In terms of gender differ-ences in car

111、e activities,mothers childcare time was dominated by physical childcare and supervision,ac-counting for 60%of their childcare activities;fathers,on the other hand,spent proportionally more time in educational and recreational activities than mothers(Miranda,2011).In China,surveys of time use date ba

112、ck to the 1980s9.However,early time use surveys did not employ a definitive classification of all uses of time,and there was no clear definition of paid and unpaid care work.Analysis of the data mainly concentrated on the use of descriptive statistics to analyze residents time utilization across lei

113、sure,eating and shopping activi-ties,or used factor analysis to analyze the impact of personal or social characteristics on personal leisure time(Li,2017).2.1Unpaid care work,its distribution and changes over time7 The Time Use Surveys across these 75 countries are not consistent in terms of their q

114、uestionnaire design and survey time frames.See relevant references for further details.8 See for example data compiled by UNWomen which documents such variation and changes during the peak of Covid-19:https:/data.unwomen.org/features/covid-19-pandemic-has-increased-care-burden-how-much-09 In 1980,Pr

115、ofessor Yalin Wang of Harbin Institute of Technology conducted a time-use survey in nine towns in Harbin and Qiqihar.Care work in China:Who does care work,what is its economic value and how has it been affected by Covid-19?9Chinas first nationally representative Time Use Survey was undertaken by the

116、 National Bureau of Statistics(NBS)in 200810(henceforth CTUS2008)covering Beijing and ten other provinces or cities,thus making possible research on unpaid care work in China.Using CTUS2008,Dong and An(2015)found that,overall,women undertook 27.3 hours per week of unpaid care work compared to just 1

117、0.6 hours per week by men.Among the urban sample,womens unpaid care work was 27.6 hours per week,compared with 12.9 hours for men,while for the rural sample,women undertook 26.9 hours per week,as against 8.1 hours for men.Li(2017)used CTUS2008 to draw similar conclusions about the gender gap in unpa

118、id care work.Other research on China has focused on specific com-ponents of unpaid care work.For example,Liu and de Bruin(2015),using data from the 2010 China Family Panel Survey(CFPS),found that on a typical work-ing day,a woman spent 131.5 minutes more per day on domestic work than her husband.Qi(

119、2005)used the 2000 China Health and Nutrition Survey(CHNS)and found that women spent 106 minutes more on housework than men per day,with men doing 25%of total housework.Yang(2014)used a sample of mar-ried people aged 18-55 years from the 1990,2000 and 2010 China Survey on the Status of Women(CSSW)an

120、d found that womens average daily housework was 231.31 minutes,compared with the much lower average of 94.91 minutes for men.In summary,international studies mostly explore the comparative relationship between unpaid care work,paid work and leisure time,the factors influencing unpaid care work,and n

121、ational differences in unpaid care work or in a certain component of unpaid care work such as housework.Some countries,particularly high-income countries including Australia,Finland,Canada and Spain,and countries in Latin America like Mexico and Colombia,have undertaken systematic data collection of

122、 unpaid care work at the national level,in some cases over several decades.Others,in-cluding China,lack research on the subject given limited data availability and insufficient emphasis on unpaid care work by scholars or policy makers.As seen above,some Chinese studies have focused on a particular c

123、omponent of unpaid care work,such as housework,but little is known about the overall situ-ation.A few studies have examined unpaid care work using CTUS2008.However,since the 2008 financial crisis,Chinas economy and society have undergone tremendous change,and existing research has been unable to ref

124、lect recent changes in the gender distri-bution of Chinas unpaid care work.Our paper begins to fill this gap.10 Section 3 introduces CTUS2008 in more detail.102.2Methods for estimating the value of unpaid care work In estimating the value of unpaid care work,the main estimation methods are the input

125、-based and output-based approaches.The input-based approach estimates the value of labor time spent by an individu-al on unpaid care work.The time spent in unpaid care work and the corresponding“rate of return”for this work are used to estimate the value of an individuals time in unpaid care work.Ac

126、cording to the choice of“rate of return”or wage used,the input-based method can be further divided into opportunity cost and re-placement cost methods.The opportunity cost method assumes that indi-viduals who engage in unpaid care work could be engaged in paid work in the labor market.It takes the m

127、arket wage for their labor as the opportunity cost to estimate the value of their unpaid care work.The ad-vantage of the opportunity cost method is that it does not need to distinguish between specific categories of unpaid care work,which simplifies the estimation.However,as the market wage rate var

128、ies by person,the opportunity cost of unpaid care work is not the same across individuals,and thus the work is valued differently depending on who does it.Furthermore,an individual with unpaid care responsibilities may face constraints in accessing the labor market.So,while this method is useful for

129、 understanding the opportunity cost to the individual,it is likely to overes-timate the value of unpaid care work in the economy(Miranda,2011).The replacement cost method assumes that unpaid care work is done,not by family members,but by hir-ing someone to do the job,and uses the cost of hiring that

130、 person as the wage rate of unpaid care work.Replacement cost may be the salary of a specialist or generalist worker.The specialist method assumes that different unpaid labor tasks are provided by dif-ferent professional service personnel(i.e.cooking is provided by a cook,cleaning by a cleaner,etc.)

131、,and takes the market wage rate of such personnel as the rate of return for unpaid care work.The advantage of the specialist method is that it makes a more detailed division of the occupations related to unpaid care work,thus improving the accuracy of estimates.The disadvantage is that the labor pro

132、ductivity and mo-tivation of family members and professional service personnel engaged in care work are likely to be dif-ferent,for example trained professionals may have higher productivity which could lead to the overes-timation of the value of unpaid care work(Giannelli et al.,2012).Alternatively

133、,it is possible that family members have higher motivation to provide unpaid care in which case using the wages of professionals would underestimate the value.The generalist method assumes that all unpaid care work is provided by a general domestic service worker and values unpaid care work using th

134、e market wage rate of this worker.The generalist method is straight-forward because it is easy to find wage rates for domestic service workers or housekeepers(Dai and Zhan,2010).The disadvantage is that not all forms of unpaid care work can be provided by domestic service providers,making it difficu

135、lt to find a market value for such work(Liu et al.,2019).11The output-based approach focuses on the value cre-ated by unpaid care labor.The value of such work can be obtained by multiplying the quantity of unpaid care labor products and services by the price of the corresponding products and service

136、s in the market.The output-based method of valuation is consistent with methods used in the system of national accounts(SNA),so in theory it would be more comparable to GDP.Since it accounts for the added value of vari-ous activities,it generally does not ignore the value of“simultaneous activities”

137、.However,this method requires detailed accounting of the quantity and market price of each unpaid care labor product and service,which imposes high data requirements(Liu,2012)and is thus rarely used in empirical research.11 In addition,a hybrid method combining the above two methods has been propose

138、d,where for example the salary of domestic workers is imputed to household chores and the salaries of specialist workers imputed for care tasks.This proposal was made by the Australian Bureau of Statistics in 1999 and later applied by Mexico and extended to several LAC countries.We are grateful to S

139、oledad Salvador for point-ing this out.Care work in China:Who does care work,what is its economic value and how has it been affected by Covid-19?112.3Measuring the value of unpaid care work The value of unpaid care work has attracted growing international policy attention.In 1995,the OECD es-timated

140、 the value of unpaid care work in eight OECD member countries using the opportunity cost,special-ist and generalist methods(Caillavet et al.,1995).The study shows that,if valued,unpaid care work would account for a large proportion of GDP in each coun-try.For example,in Australia,the unpaid care wor

141、k was valued at 52%to 69%of GDP,of which women account for 65%to 66%.In Canada,unpaid care work was valued at 30.6%to 46.3%of GDP,of which women account for 57.6%to 63.4%.Using the Swiss labor force survey of 1997,Sousa-Poza et al.(1999)es-timated that the value of unpaid care work accounted for 27%

142、to 39%of GDP and the value of unpaid child-care accounted for 5%to 8%of GDP.Giannelli et al.(2012)estimated that the value of unpaid housework and childcare in Europe accounted for 17%to 31.6%of GDP based on data of the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions(EU-SILC)and the Harmon

143、ized European Time Use Surveys(HETUS).Suh and Folbre(2016)estimated that the value of unpaid care work in the United States accounted for about 43%of GDP in 2010 using the data from the American Time Use Survey.Few studies have estimated the value of unpaid care work for China.Dong and An(2015)used

144、the oppor-tunity cost method,income method and replacement method and estimated the value of Chinas unpaid care work as 25.1%to 32.2%of GDP.Li(2017),taking into account sample selection bias in the opportunity cost method,used propensity score matching(PSM)to obtain the paid market wage rate of surv

145、eyed residents participating in the labor market,and then used the Heckman two-step model and Mincer wage equation to estimate the reservation wages of residents not participating in the labor market.His estimate of the value of unpaid care work was around 45%of GDP.Using CTUS2008,Wang and Zhang(201

146、5)constructed a linear substitution model based on the input approach to estimate the value of unpaid domestic work and care12 in Gansu province,which they found to account for 34.6%of provincial GDP.Liao(2018)used the 2011 China Health and Nutrition Survey(CHNS)data and NBS wage data to estimate th

147、e value of housework with the opportunity cost,generalist and specialist methods.He found that the value of housework accounted for about 30.0%of GDP.13 Wu(2018)designed a household input-output questionnaire to estimate the value of unpaid care work in Zhejiang Province and found that the value of

148、unpaid care work done by women accounted for 16.5%of provincial GDP,compared to only 5.8%by men.12 This refers to the two items of“non-SNA production activi-ties”included in the 2008 China Time Use Survey:housework and family care.13 Housework in CHNS includes items such as preparing food,washing an

149、d ironing clothes,buying food,cleaning the house,caring for children and caring for the elderly(Liao,2018).12TABLE 1Estimates of the value of unpaid care work:Summary of literatureAuthorCountry,Region or ProvinceYearMethods usedEstimated value of unpaid care as%GDP Sousa-Poza et al.(1999)Switzerland

150、1997Replacement cost and op-portunity cost methods32.0%-47.0%Caillavet et al.(1995)Australia1992Opportunity cost,specialist and generalist methods52.0%-69.0%Caillavet et al.(1995)Canada1992Opportunity cost,specialist and generalist methods30.6%-46.3%Suh and Folbre(2016)USA2010Specialized replacement

151、 cost43.0%Giannelli et al.(2012)Europe2006Opportunity cost and market replacement method17.0%-31.6%Dong and An(2015)China2008Opportunity cost,income and replacement methods25.1%-32.2%Li(2017)China2008Opportunity cost method45.0%Wang and Zhang(2015)China-Gansu2008Linear substitution model34.6%Liao(20

152、18)China2011Opportunity cost,specialist and generalist methods30.0%Wu(2018)China-Zhejiang 2015Output method22%-30.3%The above review of the literature demonstrates that the economic value of unpaid care work accounts for a considerable proportion of GDP in all countries sur-veyed.Moreover,most studi

153、es which examine gender differences in the value of unpaid care labor have found the value of womens unpaid care work to be substantially higher than that of men.However,due to inconsistencies in the design of time-use question-naires and different definitions of the labor force,the value of unpaid

154、care work is not totally comparable across countries,while many countries lack data on changes in the value of unpaid care work overtime.Care work in China:Who does care work,what is its economic value and how has it been affected by Covid-19?13Recent studies from around the world have found that th

155、e Covid-19 pandemic has reduced the availability of paid care that supports or replaces household work,such as couriers,food delivery,domestic services and childcare facilities,thereby increasing the burden of unpaid care work for the household(Brckner et al.,2021;Seck et al.,2021;Azcona et al.,2020

156、).With lockdown policies in response to the pandemic,female workers are also more likely to suffer unem-ployment as they tend to be concentrated in more flexible,precarious,and low-paying jobs,including in the domestic service sector(Foley and Cooper,2021).In addition,isolation measures to combat th

157、e pan-demic generated a surge in work within the home.As children took classes remotely,and family members worked and ate at home,there was a huge increase in housework such as cleaning,cooking,shopping and supporting children in their learning.Of the increase in unpaid care work,women(especially wo

158、men with children)generally bear a larger share than men(Yaish et al.,2021;Chauhan,2021;Huls et al.,2022;Xue and McMunn 2021 14).These studies suggest that the pandemic and associated policies have not only increased unemployment among women engaged in paid care work,but also indirectly increased th

159、e burden of unpaid care work by reducing the supply of paid care(domestic workers or other service provid-ers).In China,given the challenge of obtaining data on the direct impacts of the pandemic on unpaid care work,only a few news reports are available on the impact on small and medium sized enterp

160、rises,including those providing domestic services,and their workers.To date,no thorough academic study has explored the indirect impacts of the pandemic on unpaid care by analyzing its impact on the paid care sector.2.4The impact of Covid-19 on unpaid care work14 See also UN Women Research Highlight

161、:“The COVID-19 pandemic has increased the care burden,but by how much?”December,2020 https:/data.unwomen.org/features/covid-19-pandemic-has-increased-care-burden-how-much-02.5International and Chinese policies and practices on care workIn a review of relevant international policy and expe-rience on

162、care labor,the ILO has summarized policy approaches to unpaid care under the framework of the“5Rs”:Recognize,Reduce,Redistribute,Reward and Representation.Recognize refers to dismantling gender stereotypes about unpaid care work,chal-lenging the perception that this work is a natural obligation of w

163、omen,recognizing the value of unpaid care work and reflecting its importance in policy de-sign and implementation,including through support for paid care work.Reduce refers to the reduction of the time investment in unpaid care work through public infrastructure and services.Redistribute refers to t

164、he redistribution of unpaid care work between men and women,and between the family,state and society.Reward involves ensuring a reasonable wage and decent work for paid care workers.Representation refers to the right and opportunity for a social voice and collective bargaining for care workers(Addat

165、i et al.,2018).In China,prior to reform and liberalization which be-gan in the late 1970s,care work was shared between the family,state and enterprises.In the process of economic liberalization,most of this care responsibil-ity was returned to the family.Following state sector enterprise reforms,for

166、 example,enterprises no longer ran nurseries to provide childcare services,and most of the responsibility for childcare was again under-taken by women within the family.With the further development of the economy,the government has begun to pay more attention to the problem of unpaid care work.As no

167、ted earlier,the Outline for Womens Development in China(2021-2030)promotes equal sharing of housework between men and women,with husbands and wives urged to cooperate in household chores,and jointly undertake family responsibilities 14such as caring for children and the elderly,educat-ing children,a

168、nd undertaking housework,so as to narrow the time gap on unpaid housework between the sexes.This document also encourages employ-ers to implement systems such as family leave,paid leave for employees,paternity leave for spouses,and flexible leave and flexible work systems that create a“fertility-fri

169、endly”(shengyu youhao)working envi-ronment,and support male and female employees in jointly fulfilling family responsibilities.Likewise,a decision of the CPC Central Committee and the State Council of July 2021 focused on optimizing family planning policy and promoting long-term balanced population

170、development,including the development of a“universal care service system”.Employers are encouraged to take responsibility for formulating“fertility friendly”measures conducive to enabling employees to balance work and family and take care of infants and young children,including through flex-ible hol

171、idays and work arrangements.15 At a municipal level,the“Beijing Population and Family Planning Regulations”state that subsidies will be given to institutions that provide inclusive child care services,with the Beijing government supporting kindergar-tens,government agencies,enterprises,institutions

172、and communities to provide child care services,and encouraging the establishment of child care institu-tions by the non-government sector.In order to promote the development of the do-mestic service industry,in 2019 the General Office of the State Council issued“Opinions on Promoting the Quality and

173、 Expansion of the Domestic Service Industry”,and in 2022,the National Development and Reform Commission and the Ministry of Commerce jointly issued“Key Points for Promoting the Quality and Expansion of the Domestic Service Industry in 2022”.However,problems still exist in the actual op-eration of th

174、e domestic service industry,for example,standards are not sufficiently clear or detailed;many standards have been set for service provision,but there are few standards for service evaluation,and those that exist are vague.In addition,as standards are slow to be updated,and do not keep up with changi

175、ng realities,they are difficult to implement(Li and Zhang,2020).Some Chinese companies have also begun to try and reduce the burden of care for their employees,in line with the above-mentioned policies.However,insufficient investment from government and enterprises means that the supply of high-qual

176、ity public kindergartens is inadequate,the gender ratio of teachers is unbalanced,and the management mechanism is weak.As a result,although both state and enterprises have formulated policies or measures to reduce the burden of unpaid care,outstanding problems remain in practice.15 See http:/ work i

177、n China:Who does care work,what is its economic value and how has it been affected by Covid-19?153.1.1 Literature reviewA literature review is a way to obtain a thorough un-derstanding of a research area through the retrieval,identification,sorting and analysis of literature(Du,2013).For this study,

178、we reviewed the authoritative literature on care work and the care economy in the fields of economics and gender or feminist econom-ics starting from Beckers(1965)classic judgment on unpaid care work.The authors also looked at recent reports on care work by international organizations such as UN Wom

179、en,the ILO and OECD.These stud-ies and research reports provide the theoretical basis and logical support for the analysis,results and rec-ommendations presented in this report.Our review of the literature covered the care economy,time in unpaid care work and its gender distribution and changes over

180、 time,and methods of estimating the economic value of unpaid care work and the range of results obtained.Based on the review and sum-mary of existing research,we analyzed shortcomings and identified gaps and opportunities for further research.The literature was drawn from various jour-nal databases

181、including EconLit,Springer and China HowNet,as well as online materials such as relevant sector research reports.3.1.2 In-depth interviewsThe interview method is an important tool in quali-tative research for obtaining first-hand information about the subject of research through individual and group

182、 interviews,with the inductive method used to analyze the interview data and deepen the under-standing of the research questions(Yang,2001).In October 2020,the research team identified several domestic service enterprises located in Beijing and Wuhan,and conducted in-depth interviews with se-nior ma

183、nagers and managers of front-line domestic service workers(13 respondents in total in 4 enter-prises)to understand the organizational structure,gender composition,and employment conditions of domestic service enterprises.We also interviewed domestic workers in these enterprises,through which we gain

184、ed a more in-depth understanding of their personal characteristics,work experience and the de-gree of impact of the pandemic.Of the workers,the main interview respondents were female domestic workers who tend to be older and more vulnerable in the job market.3.1.3 Statistical analysisStatistical ana

185、lysis refers to the collection,sorting and processing of data using statistical methods,mining its potential and drawing feasible recommendations or suggestions for policy or management decisions(Liu and Guo,2021).The research team used descrip-tive statistical analysis and cross-tabulations to pres

186、ent the data in two-dimensional tables,reflect-ing the relationship between variables,for example between residents time allocation and sex.The pre-sentation of the analysis is supplemented by graphs that visually represent the relationship between the variables of concern in the research.3RESEARCH

187、METHODS AND INTRODUCTION TO THE DATA3.1Research methods163.2.1 Chinas Time Use Survey data,2008 and 2018The Time Use Survey of Chinese residents is a nation-ally representative Time Use Survey designed by the National Bureau of Statistics(NBS)of China with ref-erence to both the relevant standards o

188、f the United Nations and the European Union Statistics Office,and the actual situation in China.It is internationally comparable in terms of survey method,survey time frame,and questionnaire design,and thus provides a solid data foundation for the current study.The NBS Time Use Survey has been condu

189、cted twice,in 2008 and 2018,and covers 9 provinces(Hebei,Heilongjiang,Zhejiang,Anhui,Henan,Guangdong,Sichuan,Yunnan and Gansu)as well as the municipal-ity of Beijing.16 Survey households were selected using the national unified household income,expenditure and living standards survey sample frame,wh

190、ich takes the province as the sample population,and adopts a stratified multi-stage sampling approach.In 2008,a total of 16,661 households were surveyed.The respondents were residents aged 15-74 years in the survey households,making a total of 37 142 people surveyed.In 2018,20 226 households were su

191、rveyed with a total of 48 580 people aged 15 and above.Both surveys used a diary form to investigate residents time use.The diary log table is divided into two parts:one part covering working days(Monday to Friday)and one for rest days(Saturday and Sunday)17,which records the residents time utilizat

192、ion from 4:00 a.m.to 4:00 a.m.the next day.The unpaid care work in the report includes five components:housework18,ac-companying and caring for children,child instruction and tutoring,care of adult family members and other activities.193.2.2 Other survey data sources In order to estimate the contrib

193、ution of care work to Chinas economy,additional data on GDP,employ-ment and wages is required.This study uses the statistical data collected by the NBS and published on its National Data Website.This database contains monthly,quarterly,and annual data,as well as re-gional data,census data,and intern

194、ational data.This report primarily uses annual data on GDP,population,employment,and wages.In addition,we draw on data from the multi-year China Household Income Project(CHIP).Each round of data collection is conducted at the beginning of the year and collects information on annual income and consum

195、ption for the previous year.This study uses the CHIP data for 2008 and 2018.CHIP2008 includes 8000 rural households,5000 urban households and 5000 migrant households.CHIP2018 includes both urban(including migrants)and rural questionnaires.The wage data produced by CHIP is widely used by Chinese offi

196、cials and academics.3.2Introduction to the data used in this report16 Shanghai was also included in the 2018 survey.In order to ensure the comparability of the two surveys in 2008 and 2018,Shanghai is excluded from the summary data used in this report.17 The unpaid daily care work time given in the

197、report is the re-sult of a 5/7 weighting for working days and 2/7 for rest days,which represent the average level across any day of the week.18 In CTUS2008,housework(“Unpaid housework for own household and family members final use”)refers to un-paid housework such as preparing meals,beverages and re

198、lated cleaning activities,cleaning of own dwelling and surroundings,hand/machine-washing and folding clothes,purchasing of goods and services,pet care,do-it-yourself decoration,maintenance and repair,household manage-ment arrangement and management,other activities and related transportation activit

199、ies,including a total of 9 medium-sized activities and 19 small-scale activities.19 See the website of the National Bureau of Statistics for fur-ther information including the contents of the diary log table for CTUS2008 https:/ the summary data of CTUS2018,see“Where has time gone?Research report on

200、 the China time use survey 2018”,Department of Social Science,Technology and Cultural Statistics,National Bureau of Statistics.Beijing:China Statistics Press,2019.In this report,other activities includes purchasing goods or services,public welfare activities,etc.The category of pur-chasing goods or

201、services in the 2008 raw data also includes going to specialized institutions for specific services,which further includes categories such as medical treatment for oneself that do not count as unpaid care work.Due to data-base limitations,these data cannot be taken out,but since its value is small,i

202、t has almost no impact on the results.Care work in China:Who does care work,what is its economic value and how has it been affected by Covid-19?173.2.3 Big data from the recruitment platform I Inc.operates Chinas largest online market-place for classified ads as measured by monthly unique visitors o

203、n its website()and mobile ap-plication.As of March 31,2019,the companys online services covered 338 cities,491 counties,and over 12 000 towns and villages in China.This“big data”has advantages for analyzing Chinas blue-collar recruit-ment market and can provide us with strong evidence of the impact

204、of the COVID-19 pandemic on domestic service industries such as housekeeping.3.2.4 Questionnaire survey dataBuilding on the in-depth interviews noted above,the research team developed and conducted a questionnaire survey of domestic service enterprises and domestic workers in Beijing,20 with the pur

205、pose of supplementing and verifying the information obtained from the in-depth interviews.The content of the questionnaire included questions for enter-prises under the following categories:organizational characteristics of the enterprise,recruitment,order volume,revenue,methods of responding to the

206、 pan-demic and policies benefiting domestic service enterprises.For domestic service workers,questions included personal characteristics,work experience,wages,employment relationship and whether they worked during the pandemic.20 3 enterprises and 93 workers completed the questionnaires.18Based on d

207、ata from the China Time Use surveys of 2008 and 2018,we analyze the current situation and changes in the gender distribution of unpaid care work time.Figure 1 and Annex Table 121 show the aver-age time allocated to paid work,unpaid care work and“non-work”activities22 by men and women in 2008 and 201

208、8.From Figure 1,we can see that the time utili-zation of Chinese residents has the following general characteristics:First,women spend substantially more time on un-paid care work than men.Compared with 2008,the gender gap in time spent on paid work time has wid-ened,from an average gap of 82.1 minu

209、tes more per day for men in 2008 to about 102.3 minutes in 2018.This widening of the gender gap in paid work time is likely to imply a widening of the income gap between men and women:that is,mens earnings should have grown relative to womens over the decade.However,the gender gap in unpaid care wor

210、k time23 decreases marginally(140.4 compared with 140.3 minutes).24 Although the gender gap in unpaid care work time has not continued to widen over this decade,women still spend nearly 2.3 hours more time on unpaid care work per day than men,suggesting that the unequal gender division of labor with

211、in the family has scarcely improved.4RESEARCH FINDINGS AND ANALYSISThis section presents the results of the analysis based on the methods and data presented above.In section 4.1 we present information on the overall time spent on unpaid care work and its change over time,broken down by sex,and furth

212、er explore how this varies by other characteristics(rural-urban population,education,age and marital status).In 4.2 we estimate the value of unpaid care work in China,and finally(4.3)we explore the influence of COVID-19 on the paid domestic service industry and domestic service workers as a way to a

213、ssess indirectly the impact on unpaid care work.4.1The current situation and changes in the gender allocation of unpaid care work in China21 The figures in this section are based on data presented in the tables attached as an Appendix at the end of the report.The data are calculated from the CTUS200

214、8 and CTUS2018.The tables provide richer information than is captured in the figures,including the allocation of unpaid care time among different components of housework,childcare,child instruc-tion,adult care and other activities.22 “Non-work”activities are non-production(feishengchan)ac-tivities t

215、hat are not included within the production frontier of the National System of Accounts.They include education and training(xuexi peixun),leisure(ziyou shijian)and per-sonal activities(geren huodong).23 The gender gap for unpaid care work refers to womens work time minus mens work time.24 The calcula

216、tion results of this report show that from 2008 to 2018,the gender gap in unpaid care work has not sig-nificantly narrowed(a reduction of 0.1 minute),while the gender gap in unpaid care work time calculated by the Interpretation of the 2018 national Time Use Survey Bulletin(hereinafter referred to a

217、s the Interpretation of the Bulletin)has narrowed by 4 minutes.The possible reason for this dif-ference is that the time of each activity in the Interpretation of the Bulletin includes the corresponding traffic time.The traffic time may reflect the familys living location,the means of transportation

218、 and other economic conditions or factors.The practice of classifying traffic time as part of the time of various activities is subjective,and the conclusions of the Interpretation of the Bulletin are not directly adopted in this report.Care work in China:Who does care work,what is its economic valu

219、e and how has it been affected by Covid-19?19Another indicator of these changes is the ratio of time spent by men and women on each type of work(paid and unpaid).These ratios show that the total workload remains almost unchanged while the rela-tive time spent on unpaid care work by women has decreas

220、ed,although it remains very high(from 2.8 to 2.5)while the ratio of paid work has increased slightly for men(1.4 to 1.5).Another indicator of interest is the distribution of paid and unpaid care work time for each sex.In this case,the results are very similar to other countries:women distribute thei

221、r time almost equally between paid and unpaid care work,increas-ing their unpaid care work time in 2018(from 48.6%to 52.0%);by contrast mens time is distributed 8:2 between paid and unpaid care work,with unpaid care work time increasing to 22.7%in 2018.Second,womens total working time are greater th

222、an mens,but their earnings are lower.In both 2008 and 2018,mens time on paid work was greater than womens,while womens unpaid care work time was greater than mens,but the total working time of women(combining both paid and unpaid care work time)is greater than for men.In 2008,women worked on average

223、 58.3 minutes more than men ev-ery day,falling to 38.0 additional minutes in 2018.In other words,women in total spend more time work-ing than men,because they do around 2.3 hours more unpaid care work each day.This difference,along with other factors including discrimination,labour market segregatio

224、n and unequal pay,contributes to their earn-ings 25 being significantly lower.Third,the gender gap in housework has slightly nar-rowed while that for childcare and child instruction has increased.Looking at gender differences across components of unpaid care work time(see Figure 2 and Appendix Table

225、 1),the gender gap in household time spent on activities such as laundry and cooking has narrowed(from 110.6 minutes in 2008 to 82.3 minutes in 2018),while the gender gap in accompa-nying and caring for children and in child instruction or tutoring has widened(from 16.4 minutes and 4.4 minutes respe

226、ctively in 2008 to 38.1 minutes and 6.0 minutes in 2018,see Figure 2).The gender gap in un-paid care activities classified as“other”increases from 9.0 minutes in 2008 to 10.4 minutes in 2018.This nar-rowing of the gender gap in time spent on housework may in part be related to the use and populariza

227、tion of technology such as washing machines,dishwash-ers,sweeping robots and other household appliances,and may also reflect the increased participation of men in housework.Fourth,women spend more time on physically exhausting or less rewarding household tasks.A longitudinal comparison with other co

228、mponents of unpaid care work found that,although the gender gap in time spent on housework such as laundry and cooking narrowed from 2008 to 2018,housework re-mained the component of unpaid care work with the largest gender gap(48.0 minutes for men and 158.6 minutes for women in 2008,see Figure 2).B

229、y con-trast,the gender gap is small in“other”unpaid care activities(such as public welfare activities).These latter activities are sometimes considered to be either less burdensome,or to benefit from communication with others.The drudgery of housework,which con-sumes more time and energy of women,ma

230、y have a detrimental emotional or intangible impact on those doing the work,which may also spill over into other areas of life,including their performance and returns in the paid labor market.Fifth,women also spend most time on emotional and affective labor.Over the 2008-2018 timeframe,time spent on

231、 unpaid care work by men and women increased(see Figure 1):from 79.8 minutes for men and 220.2 minutes for women in 2008 to 93.3 minutes for men and 233.6 minutes for women in 2018.This increase is mainly reflected in accompanying and car-ing for children,child instruction,and caring for adult 25 Ac

232、cording to CHIP(2018),on average men earn 29.5 yuan per hour while women earn 24.2 yuan per hour.FIGURE 1Time allocation of Chinese residents in 2008 and 201820family members(see Figure 2):in 2008 men spent 6.9,5.2 and 1.6 minutes respectively on these activities,increasing by 11.1 minutes,0.9 minut

233、es and 6.7 min-utes by 2018.Women spent 23.3,9.6 and 2.0 minutes respectively in 2018,increasing by 32.8 minutes,2.5 minutes and 9.7 minutes by 2018.This increase may in part be related to the increase in the number of children that families need to care for since the relax-ation of the“one-child”po

234、licy(see footnote 2)(Yan,2020),and could also be a result of the greater em-phasis placed by society on childcare and education.The widening of this gender gap shows that women spend more time caring for children and other fam-ily members the kind of care work that requires a high emotional investme

235、nt.The social value of such affective or emotional labor is very high,but its eco-nomic value is greatly underestimated or basically ignored.This finding may also have significance for understanding the possible changes that will follow the implementation of the“three-child policy”.In addition to th

236、e overall gender differences in un-paid care work,the change by gender in unpaid care work time between 2008 and 2018 varies according to other factors such as between urban and rural areas,and by education,marital status,age and income.4.1.1 Urban-rural differences in unpaid care work timeThere is

237、no international consensus on urban-rural differences in the gender distribution of unpaid care work time.On the one hand,the standards for defin-ing urban and rural divisions,such as size and the administrative division of cities,are not consistent across countries.On the other hand,the degree of e

238、conomic development varies across countries so,for example,there are clear differences in patterns of time use between agricultural and industrial countries.Figure 3 illustrates total unpaid care time by gender across urban and rural areas.The data show that unpaid care work time of urban women in 2

239、008 was slightly higher than that of rural women(237 and 230 minutes per day respectively)but the reverse was true in 2018(232 for rural as against 229 for urban women).It can be seen from Appendix Table 2 that the higher unpaid care work time of urban women is mainly due to more time spent on child

240、 instruction and other activities compared with rural women in 2008.However,by 2018,rural womens time in child instruction and other activities had increased more than that of urban women,leading to a reversal in unpaid care work time overall.The unpaid care work time of rural men was lower than tha

241、t of urban men in both years(69 and 83 minutes for rural men in 2008 and 2018,and 111 and 98 minutes in 2018)26.In terms of the components of unpaid care work time,the activities that account for the greatest gender dif-ference in time use across urban and rural areas are,first,housework,followed by

242、 childcare(see Appendix Table 2).Looking at the gender gap in unpaid care work,this was larger in rural areas than in urban areas in both 2008 and 2018.In rural areas women worked 161 minutes per day more than men in 2008 and 149 additional minutes in 2018,while in urban areas the FIGURE 2Time alloc

243、ation of components of unpaid care work in 2008 and 201826 National Bureau of Statistics,Compilation of CTUS2008 http:/ has time gone?Research re-port on the China time use survey 2018”.Department of Social Science,Technology and Cultural Statistics,National Bureau of Statistics.Beijing:China Statis

244、tics Press,December 2019,p175.Care work in China:Who does care work,what is its economic value and how has it been affected by Covid-19?21gaps were 126 and 131 minutes respectively.Over time,the gender gap in unpaid care work time in rural areas has narrowed,mainly because the difference in time spe

245、nt on housework has narrowed.However,in urban areas the gender gap has widened,mainly due to the increase in time spent on childcare.As can be seen from Appendix Table 2,the total time spent on childcare by both men and women increased between 2008 and 2018 in both rural and urban areas;but the incr

246、ease in urban areas was larger,contributing to the larger total time difference by gender seen in Figure 4.Possible explanations for this may include larger fam-ily size with the introduction of the two-child policy from 2016 or a heavier educational burden,with the increase in responsibilities for

247、taking care of children in urban families predominantly falling on womens shoulders.4.1.2 Unpaid care work by level of educationEducation is likely to affect an individuals gender awareness and his or her economic contribution to the family,which may also affect his or her decision-making power with

248、in the family.Analysis using the 2018 data shows that among the 25-55 age group,27 as years of education increases,the gender gap in unpaid care work narrows(see Figure 5).Overall,womens unpaid care work time decreases with the improvement in their education,while conversely mens unpaid care work ti

249、me increases.28 Figure 6 shows that for men the total time spent on unpaid care work is 77.1 minutes at lower levels of education,84.2 minutes for high school graduates and 96.8 minutes for college graduates.For women the figures are 245.5 minutes,241.3 minutes and 211.6 minutes respectively.Althoug

250、h the differences re-main stark,these changes illustrate the positive role of education in reducing the gender gap in unpaid care work.FIGURE 3Unpaid care work time of rural and urban residents in 2008 and 2018FIGURE 4Changes in the gender gap in components of unpaid work by rural and urban residenc

251、e27 The 25-55 age group is sometimes referred to in Chinese as the“golden age”.The 55-year age cut-off is used for analysis as it is the official retirement age for women.28 Data from Compilation of time use survey data in 2008 of the National Bureau of Statistics and“Where has time gone?Research Re

252、port of China time use survey 2018”shows that mens unpaid care work time first decreases and then increases with the improvement of education,which may be due to the different ways of grouping education by the research group and the National Bureau of Statistics.The re-search group divides education

253、 into three categories:junior middle school and below,high school,college and above,while the National Bureau of Statistics divides education into seven categories:not attended school,primary school,junior middle school,high school,college,undergraduate and graduate.Note:The vertical axis is the dif

254、ference between female and male min-utes worked per day22unpaid care work,the gender difference by education is small.The biggest gender gap is concentrated in the“junior middle school and below”group,where women spend 2.5 times more hours on housework than men.This suggests that higher levels of ed

255、uca-tion(generally also correlated with higher income or socioeconomic status)contributes to a reduction in the time women spend on housework generally considered the area of unpaid work with the lowest emotional return.Higher education is also associated with an increase in the time spent on such w

256、ork by men.The reduction of these gender differences is conducive to promoting womens career develop-ment and gender equality in general.In addition,with the improvement of education,both men and women spend more time on childcare and child instruction,suggesting that,with the improvement of educati

257、on,both men and women pay more attention to accom-panying and educating their children.Regardless of the level of education,however,women spend more time than men on childcare and child instruction.(See Appendix Table 3 for further details).4.1.3 Unpaid care work time by marital statusWomen bear mos

258、t of the increased burden of unpaid care work after marriage.Studies by Li(2017),Dong&An(2015),and Charmes(2019)among others have shown that marital status and the presence of chil-dren in the household,as well as care of the elderly,are important factors affecting time spent on unpaid care work.Fig

259、ure 7 shows the unpaid care work time of men and women by marital status in 2008 and 2018.29 Comparing the data across years,we see that regard-less of marital status,womens unpaid care work time is higher.Unmarried women engage in more unpaid care work than men,but the gender gap is not very large,

260、at 35 minutes per day in 2008,reducing to 21 minutes in 2018.However,among the married popu-lation,the gender gap widens significantly.Womens unpaid care work time after marriage is much higher than mens,with a gender gap of 154 minutes per day in 2008 and 152 minutes in 2018.FIGURE 6Time allocation

261、 of components of unpaid care work by education,population age 25-55,2018 29 National Bureau of Statistics:Compilation of time use survey data,2008.See http:/ 5Gender gap in components of unpaid care work by education(population age 25-55)Looking at the different components of unpaid care work,the t

262、ime spent by men and women on housework such as laundry,cooking and cleaning decreases as educational attainment rises.However,women spend far more time on housework than men regardless of education level.In other components of Care work in China:Who does care work,what is its economic value and how

263、 has it been affected by Covid-19?23By comparing the married and unmarried groups,we see that in 2008,married women spend 132 more minutes per day on housework than unmarried women,while the time spend by men after marriage increases by only 36 minutes.In 2018,the difference between married and unma

264、rried women was 121 minutes,while for men it was 38 minutes.Thus,we can see that most of the increase in unpaid care work(both housework and care)after marriage is borne by women.Among the widowed and divorced population,the gender gap in unpaid care work time decreases.Women still undertake more un

265、paid care work,but the time spent by widowed and divorced men increased compared to men with spouses(by 35 minutes for widowed and 25 minutes for divorced men in 2008;and by 17 and 4 minutes respectively in 2018).This increase is mainly reflected in housework which increases by 38 and 27 minutes res

266、pectively in 2008;and by 32 and 11 minutes in 2018)(see Figure 8).Widowed and divorced women spend less time on unpaid care work than married women(62 and 50 minutes less respectively in 2018),and time spent on both housework and care declined(the excep-tion being widowed women who spent more time o

267、n housework in 2008).These results suggest that married men benefit from womens care and respon-sibility for housework.Once widowed or divorced,men spend more time on housework,while the situation for women is reversed.The loss of a spouse reduces womens unpaid care work time whether spent on housew

268、ork or care.Of course,these women still undertake more unpaid care work than men,which may be related to the fact that more widowed and divorced women assume the responsibility of parenting and care.For example,young children after divorce are usually raised by women,and widowed women may have more

269、responsibility for caring for both the older and younger generations than wid-owed men.4.1.4 Unpaid care work among older adults(over 55)Caring for and raising grandchildren is typically a role played by older people in contemporary China.However,gender disparities in unpaid care work time among old

270、er adults are significant.From 2008 to 2018,women over 55 spent significantly more time on unpaid care work than older men.In 2008,this gender gap is almost 159.8 minutes per day while in 2018 the difference is 133.6 minutes.Over time,older womens unpaid care work time has decreased while that of ol

271、der men has increased(see Figure 9).Although the gender gap has narrowed by 26.2 minutes over the decade,it remains large.FIGURE 7Unpaid care work time by marital status,2008 and 2018 FIGURE 8Time allocation of the main components of unpaid care work by marital status,2008 and 2018 24Looking at the

272、different components of unpaid care work among the population aged over 55,the gen-der gap in housework clearly narrows,from about 135.1 minutes in 2008 to about 95.3 minutes in 2018.Specifically,older women do about 36.4 minutes less housework per day while older men spend about 3.4 minutes more on

273、 housework than 10 years ago,which suggests that older women have mainly benefited from the overall reduction of housework over the decade.This may be due to the use of household ap-pliances and outsourced housework services,rather than because older men undertake more housework.Conversely,the gende

274、r gap in childcare time has widened over the decade.Older women spend 17.1 minutes more than 10 years ago,while for older men the increase is 6.4 minutes,suggesting that the time burden of caring for grandchildren is heavier,and that most of this burden falls on the shoulders of older women(see Figu

275、re 10).This may be explained with reference to literature on the intergenerational transmission of unpaid care work among women(Tao,2011).4.1.5 Unpaid care work by income Figure 11 shows the unpaid care work time of men and women classified by monthly income.30 Comparing 2008 and 2018,we find differ

276、ent patterns by gender and year with regard to income.In 2008 as mens monthly income increases,their unpaid care work time first increases and then decreases;by contrast,the unpaid care work time of women gradually decreases as income increases until their monthly in-come exceeds 10 000 yuan.Notably

277、,womens unpaid care work time in all income groups is much higher than mens,a finding which does not change in 2018.However,in 2018,the main difference is that womens unpaid care work time decreases continuously with the increase in income.In addition,the 2018 data also shows that as monthly income

278、increases,the gender gap in unpaid care work time narrows.FIGURE 9Time allocation of unpaid care work by adults over 55,2008 and 2018 FIGURE 10Time allocation of components of unpaid care work among the population over 55,2008 and 2018 30 National Bureau of Statistics Compilation of time use survey

279、data,2008 http:/ has time gone?Research report of Chinas time use survey,2018”,Department of Social Science,Technology and Cultural Statistics of the National Bureau of Statistics.Beijing:China Statistics Press,December 2019,p346-348.Care work in China:Who does care work,what is its economic value a

280、nd how has it been affected by Covid-19?25Furthermore,the gap in unpaid care work time between the highest income earning women and non-earning women has widened.In 2008,non-earn-ing unpaid care workers spent 43 minutes more time on such activities than the highest earning women,a gap which widened

281、to 124 minutes in 2018.This may be related to factors such as the purchase of house-work services on the market by high-income women.At the same time,the largest gap in unpaid care work time is between non-earning men and women which is 190 minutes in 2008 and 211 minutes in 2018.This may be because

282、 most women without any income are full-time mothers or housewives,who are primar-ily responsible for housework and care work in the family.Men without income may be involuntarily unemployed,take no responsibility for care or be un-willing to undertake domestic work.FIGURE 11Unpaid care work by inco

283、me,2008 and 2018 4.2The value of unpaid care workThe previous section demonstrated that women undoubtedly do most of the unpaid care work in the household including housework,childcare and tutoring,care of the elderly or other activities and that this holds true across different groups by,for exampl

284、e,education,age and income.Now we turn to the question of how such unpaid activity should be valued as a contribution to the economy.As mentioned in the literature review,there are a range of methods for estimating unpaid care work by measuring either the labor input or the output.The input method c

285、an be further divided into the opportu-nity cost,specialist and generalist methods.This report uses these three methods to estimate the value 31 Due to the lack of data on the average wage of urban private sector employees in 2008,the 2009 data were used instead.of unpaid care work in China in 2008

286、and 2018 and compares the results.For this,wage data is needed for calculating the value of unpaid care work:we use NBS data on the average wage of urban private sector employees in 200931 and 2018,as well as data from the CHIP household survey for 2008 and 2018.In order to estimate the aggregate va

287、lue of unpaid care work in terms of GDP,we use data on the av-erage unpaid care work hours per person per year estimated from CTUS,multiplied by the population age over 15 and then calculate the result as a share of GDP.The relevant data on unpaid care work hours,the number of people over 15 years o

288、ld,and GDP are shown in Table 2.264.2.1 Opportunity cost methodThe opportunity cost method assumes that residents engaged in unpaid care work could be engaged in paid work,and the wage rate that an individual would command in the labor market is used to calculate the value of their time in unpaid ca

289、re work.We use the average wage of urban private sector employees from the NBS database to estimate the average rate of return for unpaid care work.Since per capita unpaid care labor time is counted in hours per year,we con-vert the wage rate used to estimate unpaid care labor into an hourly wage ra

290、te.According to the“Notice on the annual average monthly working hours and wage conversion of employees”(Ministry of Labor and Social Security 2008 No.3),the salary includes 21.75 days per month and 8 hours per day,so the average hourly wage equals the annual average wage divided by(12 months x 21.7

291、5 days x 8 hours).For the CHIP data for 2008 and 2018,we use the urban and migrant population samples as the sample population of ur-ban employees,filter all waged individuals,and delete the top 1.0%and the bottom 1.0%of the wage data in this sample to eliminate outliers.We use this sample to calcul

292、ate the monthly average wage and monthly average working hours of the urban population.The hourly wage rate is then equal to the monthly aver-age wage divided by monthly average working hours.The wage rates are shown in Table 3.TABLE 2Unpaid care work hours,population over 15 years old,and GDP200820

293、18TotalMaleFemaleTotalMaleFemaleUnpaid care work(average hours per person per year)922.2485.51339.61005.6567.61421.1Population over 15 years old(million)1076.4537.9538.51160.2591.0569.2GDP(billion yuan)31 924.591 928.1Note on data sources:Data on unpaid care work hours are converted from the data in

294、cluded in Appendix(Table 1)at the end of the report;information on population over 15 years old is from the China Statistical Yearbook 2009 and China Statistical Yearbook 2019;information on GDP is from the National Bureau of Statistics database.TABLE 3Wage rate calculations for the opportunity cost

295、 methodData sourcesCategoryAverage wage rate(yuan per hour)20082018National Bureau of Statistics 32Total8.723.7CHIP 33Total10.627.2Male11.629.5Female9.224.232 This is the average wage data of urban private sector employees in 2009 and 2018 from the National Bureau of Statistics data-base.The calcula

296、tion in subsequent tables is the same.33 This is the average wage data of urban employees from the CHIP 2008 and 2018 surveys.The calculation in subsequent tables is the same.Care work in China:Who does care work,what is its economic value and how has it been affected by Covid-19?27The calculation f

297、ormula is as follows:The value of unpaid care work=Average hours of unpaid care work per person population over 15 years old average hourly wage rate of urban employees The value of unpaid care work as a proportion of GDP=the value of unpaid care work/GDPUsing the wage calculated using NBS data(Tabl

298、e 2),we apply the formulas to esti-mate the value of unpaid care work.Taking the value of unpaid care work in 2008 as an example,the calculation process is as follows:The value of unpaid care work=922.2(hours)1 076.4(million people)8.7(yuan)/1000=8 636.1(billion yuan)The value of unpaid care work as

299、 a proportion of GDP=8 636.1(billion yuan)/31924.5(billion yuan)=27.1%Using this calculation process,the value of unpaid care work estimated using the opportunity cost method and its share in GDP are shown in Table 4.TABLE 4The value of unpaid care work(opportunity cost method)Data sourcesCategory20

300、082018The value of unpaid care work(billion yuan)%of GDPThe value of unpaid care work(billion yuan)%of GDPNational Bureau of StatisticsTotal8 636.127.127 648.330.1CHIPTotal9 665.930.329 470.932.1Male3 029.39.59 895.810.8Female6 636.620.819 575.121.3 Using the above data and method,we estimate the to

301、tal value of unpaid care work to the economy in 2008 to be equivalent to 27.1%and 30.3%of GDP(using NBS and CHIP2008 data respectively).In 2018 the estimated values were 30.1%and 32.1%respectively with a large difference between the contributions of men and women.This method may overestimate the val

302、ue of unpaid care work,as the urban wage rates are applied to rural or unemployed unpaid care workers,and to the retired population,and no adjustment is made to reflect likely variation in average hours of work among different age cohorts.Therefore results using this method are highest among the thr

303、ee.3434 To account for sample selection bias,the Heckman two-step method can be used to estimate the reservation wages of groups not participating in the labor market.In view of the difficulty of obtaining micro data,this analysis is omitted in this report.284.2.2 Specialist methodFor the specialist

304、 method,we follow Liao(2018)and select wage rates in comparable industries to unpaid care work(including the hotel and catering sector,domestic household and other services,health and social security and social welfare sectors)as the re-placement wage.Housework includes activities such as preparing

305、food,cooking meals,cleaning the home,washing and tidying clothes and repairing items.The wage rate of housework can be replaced by wage rates in the hotel and catering industry,and domes-tic household and other services.The wage rates for activities such as accompanying and caring for chil-dren,esco

306、rting and tutoring children to study,and accompanying and caring for adult family members are replaced by wage rates in the health and social security and social welfare sectors(see Table 5).TABLE 5Market replacement wage rates for different components of unpaid care workActivitiesCorresponding mark

307、et replacement industryHouseworkHotel and catering industry,domestic household and other services ChildcareHealth and social security and social welfareChild instructionAdult careOther activities 35For the estimation,we use the population over the age of 15 and GDP(see Table 2),the hours spent on un

308、paid care work activities,shown in Table 6,and the hourly wage rates for each industry as replacement wages for unpaid care labor,as shown in Table 7.36TABLE 6Average hours per person/year spent on unpaid care work activities,2008 and 2018Activities2008(hours per year)2018(hours per year)TotalMaleFe

309、male TotalMaleFemale Housework635.7 292.0 964.8 536.6 279.8 780.5 Childcare93.1 42.0 141.7 228.7 109.5 341.3 Child instruction45.6 31.6 58.4 56.0 37.1 73.6 Adult care11.0 9.7 12.2 60.8 50.5 71.2 Other activities137.5 109.5 164.3 123.5 91.3 154.5 35“Other”includes activities such as free domestic hel

310、p provided to other families,community services and public welfare activities.36 We include analysis using male and female wage rates in calculating a range of estimates of the value of unpaid care,but rec-ognize that valuing unpaid care work using these gender-differentiated rates will reproduce la

311、bour market discrimination that contributes to the wage gap.Care work in China:Who does care work,what is its economic value and how has it been affected by Covid-19?29Using this calculation process,the value of unpaid care work estimated by the specialist method and its share in GDP can be obtained

312、.The estimation results are shown in Table 8.TABLE 7Wage rate of the corresponding industry used for the specialist methodData sourcesCategory20082018The average wage of hotel and catering industry,services to household and other services industry(yuan per hour)Wage of health and social security and

313、 social welfare industry(yuan per hour)The average wage of hotel and catering industry,services to household and other services industry(yuan per hour)Wage of health and social security and social welfare industry(yuan per hour)NBSTotal7.58.919.325.1CHIPTotal7.813.418.828.6Male8.712.920.329.5Female7

314、.614.017.528.1The calculation formula is as follows:The value of unpaid care work=(hours spent in various unpaid care activities corresponding market industry hourly wage rate)population over 15 years old The value of unpaid care work as a proportion of GDP=The value of unpaid care work/GDPUsing the

315、 NBS wage data for 2008 and applying the above formulas,the calculation process of the specialist method is as follows:The monetary value of unpaid care work=635.7(hours)7.5(yuan)+(93.1+45.6+11.0+137.5)(hours)8.9(yuan)1 076.4(million people)/1000=7 518.5(billion yuan)The monetary value of unpaid car

316、e work as a proportion of GDP=7 518.5(billion yuan)/31 924.5(billion yuan)=23.6%30The value of unpaid care work as a share of GDP in 2008 estimated using the specialist method was 23.6%(using NBS data)and 29.8%(using CHIP2008),while in 2018 the estimated value was 26.1%(NBS)and 28.7%(CHIP2018).The s

317、pecialist method subdivides the activities of unpaid care work,using wage rates from different industries to replace specific activities.However,the qualifications,efficiency and motivation of unpaid care workers and professional service personnel may differ.For example,the qualifications for taking

318、 care of children and the elderly are different from those in the health,social security and social welfare in-dustries,so this method is likely to overestimate,but could potentially also underestimate,the value of unpaid care work.4.2.3 Generalist methodIn this part,we refer to Dong and An(2015)and

319、 use the wage rate of domestic household services and other services to replace the wage rate of unpaid care work.The population over the age of 15 and GDP used in the calculations are shown in Table 2 above,and the specific time spent on various unpaid care work is shown in Table 9.TABLE 8The value

320、 of unpaid care work(using the specialist method)Data sourcesCategory20082018The value of unpaid care work(billion yuan)%of GDPThe value of unpaid care work(billion yuan)%of GDPNBSTotal7 518.523.624 013.026.1CHIPTotal9 492.029.826 405.728.7Male2 704.38.58 385.09.1Female6 787.721.318 020.719.6TABLE 9

321、Wage rate used by generalist methodData sourcesCategoryWage of services to household and other services industry(yuan per hour)20082018NBSTotal7.519.7CHIPTotal9.318.6Male10.019.6Female8.717.5Care work in China:Who does care work,what is its economic value and how has it been affected by Covid-19?31U

322、sing the data and formulas above and taking the value of unpaid care work from NBS 2008 data as an example,the calculation process of the generalist method is as follows:The monetary value of unpaid care work=922.2(hours)1076.4(million people)7.5(yuan)/1 000=7 444.9(billion yuan)The monetary value o

323、f unpaid care work as a proportion of GDP=7 444.9(billion yuan)/31924.5(billion yuan)=23.3%Using the same calculation process,the value of unpaid care work estimated by the generalist method and its share in GDP can be obtained.The estimation results are shown in Table 10.The calculation formula is

324、as follows:The value of unpaid care work=Hours spent in unpaid care work per capita popu-lation over 15 years old hourly wage rate of services to household and other ser-vices industryThe value of unpaid care work as a proportion of GDP=The value of unpaid care work/GDPTABLE 10The value of unpaid ca

325、re work using the generalist methodData sourcesCategory20082018The value of unpaid care work(billion yuan)%of GDPThe value of unpaid care work(billion yuan)%of GDPNBSTotal7 444.923.322 982.025.0CHIPTotal7 140.527.920 730.422.6Male2 611.58.26 574.97.2Female6 276.019.714 155.615.4The value of unpaid c

326、are work as a share of GDP in 2008 estimated using the generalist method was 23.3%(NBS data)and 27.9%(CHIP),while in 2018 it was 22.6%and 25.0%respectively.The estimation results of the value of unpaid care labor and its share in GDP for 2008 and 2018 are summarized in Table 11.Combining two data so

327、urces(NBS and CHIP)and the three estimation methods(opportunity cost,specialist and generalist),we can conclude that the value of unpaid care work as a share of GDP ranged from 23.3%to 30.3%in 2008,and be-tween 22.6%and 30.1%in 2018,so the actual value of unpaid care work should fall within this ran

328、ge,which is approximately 25.0%.32Using the wage data from CHIP2008 and CHIP2018,we can see the difference in the value of unpaid care work as a share of GDP by gender.Using the oppor-tunity cost method,we find womens contribution to be 20.8%in 2008,or 2.2 times that of men,while in 2018 it was 21.3

329、%or 2.0 times that of men.Using the specialist method,the corresponding value of womens unpaid care work was estimated to be 21.3%of GDP in 2008(2.5 times higher than for men),and 19.6%in 2018(2.2 times that of men).Using the generalist method,the value of womens unpaid care work as a share of GDP w

330、as 19.7%in 2008(2.4 times that of men),and 15.4%in 2018(2.1 times that of men).Although wage rates for women are lower than for men37,women spend more hours in unpaid care work(2.8 times that of men in 2008,and 2.5 times in 2018).Thus the value of womens unpaid care work is substantially higher,as i

331、llustrated in Figure 12 which shows the difference in the contribution to GDP of womens and mens unpaid care work.TABLE 11Summary of results for the value of unpaid care work and its share of GDPMethodsData sourceCategory20082018The value of unpaid care work(billion yuan)%of GDPThe value of unpaid c

332、are work(billion yuan)%of GDPOpportunity cost NBSTotal8 636.127.127 648.330.1CHIPTotal9 665.930.329 470.932.1Male3 029.39.59 895.810.8Female6 636.620.819 575.121.3Specialist NBSTotal7 518.523.624 013.026.1CHIPTotal9 492.029.826 405.728.7Male2 704.38.58 385.09.1Female6 787.721.318 020.719.6Generalist

333、NBSTotal7 444.923.322 982.025.0CHIPTotal7 140.527.920 730.422.6Male2 611.58.26 574.97.2Female6 276.019.714 155.615.437 According to data of NBS,CHIP2008 and CHIP2018,the wage rates for women are lower than those of men.See Table 2,table 6 and table 8 for details.Care work in China:Who does care work,what is its economic value and how has it been affected by Covid-19?33In conclusion,the analysis in